Page 30 - Civil War Curriculum Book

that he has regularly voted with us on a single point, upon which he and we have never differed. They
remind us that he is a great man, and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted.
But "a living dog is better than a dead lion." Judge Douglas, if not a dead lion, for this work, is at
least a caged and toothless one. How can he oppose the advances of slavery? He don't care anything
about it. His avowed mission is impressing the "public heart" to care nothing about it. A leading
Douglas democratic newspaper thinks Douglas's superior talent will be needed to resist the revival of
the African slave trade. Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching? He has
not said so. Does he really think so? But if it is, how can he resist it? For years he has labored to
prove it a sacred right of white men to take negro slaves into the new Territories. Can he possibly
show that it is less a sacred right to buy them where they can be bought cheapest? And
unquestionably they can be bought cheaper in Africa than in Virginia. He has done all in his power to
reduce the whole question of slavery to one of a mere right of property; and as such, how can he
oppose the foreign slave trade -- how can he refuse that trade in that "property" shall be "perfectly
free" -- unless he does it as a protection to the home production? And as the home producers will
probably not ask the protection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition.

Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser to-day than he was yesterday --
that he may rightfully change when he finds himself wrong. But can we, for that reason, run ahead,
and infer that he will make any particular change, of which he, himself, has given no intimation? Can
we safely base our action upon any such vague inference? Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent
Judge Douglas's position, question his motives, or do aught that can be personally offensive to him.
Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together on principle so that our cause may have assistance
from his great ability, I hope to have interposed no adventitious obstacle. But clearly, he is not now
with us -- he does not pretend to be -- he does not promise ever to be.

Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its own undoubted friends -- those whose
hands are free, whose hearts are in the work -- who do care for the result. Two years ago the
Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the
single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external circumstance against us. Of
strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and
fought the battle through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud and pampered enemy.
Did we brave all then, to falter now? --now, when that same enemy is wavering, dissevered and
belligerent? The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail -- if we stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise
counsels may accelerate, or mistakes delay it, but, sooner or later, the victory is sure to come.