Page 26 - Civil War Curriculum Book

"House Divided" Speech

Springfield, Illinois, June 16, 1858 MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION:

If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do,
and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed
object, and confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that
policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will
not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot
stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect
the Union to be dissolved -- I do not expect the house to fall -- but I do expect it will cease to be
divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the
further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of
ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the
States, old as well as new -- North as well as South.

Have we no tendency to the latter condition?

Let any one who doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination -- piece
of machinery, so to speak -- compounded of the Nebraska doctrine, and the Dred Scott decision. Let
him consider not only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well adapted; but also, let
him study the history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace the
evidences of design, and concert of action, among its chief architects, from the beginning.

The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the States by State
Constitutions, and from most of the national territory by Congressional prohibition. Four days
later, commenced the struggle which ended in repealing that Congressional prohibition. This
opened all the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained.

But, so far, Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by the people, real or apparent, was
indispensable, to save the point already gained, and give chance for more.

This necessity had not been overlooked; but had been provided for, as well as might be, in the
notable argument of "squatter sovereignty," otherwise called "sacred right of self-government,"
which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so
perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: That if any one man choose to enslave
another, no third man shall be allowed to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska
bill itself, in the language which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to
legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people
thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only
to the Constitution of the United States." Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of
"Squatter Sovereignty," and "sacred right of self-government." "But," said opposition members, "let
us amend the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the Territory may exclude slavery."
"Not we," said the friends of the measure; and down they voted the amendment.